9.3: Geometric, Proto-Archaic, and Archaic

Dipylon Amphora

By Boundless

Figure \(\PageIndex{1}\): Dipylon Amphora, c. 755-750 BCE. Ceramic, 160 cm. National Archaeological Museum, Athens, Greece. (Photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

The city of Athens became the center for pottery production. A potter’s quarter in the section of the city known as the Kerameikos was located on either side of the Dipylon Gate, one of the city’s west gates. The potters lived and work inside the gate in the city, while outside the gate, along the road, was a large cemetery.

In the Geometric period, monumental-sized kraters and amphorae up to six feet tall were used as grave markers for the burials just outside the gate. Kraters marked male graves, while amphorae marked female graves.

The Dipylon Master, an unknown painter whose hand is recognized on many different vessels, displays the great expertise required for decorating these funerary markers. The vessels were first thrown a wheel, an important technological development at the time, before painting began.  The Dipylon Amphora demonstrates the main characteristics of painting during this time.

For one, the entire vessel is decorated in a style known as horror vacui, a style in which the entire surface of the medium is filled with imagery. A decorative meander is on the lip of the krater and on many registers of the amphora. This geometric motif is constructed from a single, continuous line in a repeated shape or motif.

The main scene is depicted on the widest part of the pot’s body. These scenes relate to the funerary aspect of the pot and may depict mourners, a prothesis (a ritual of laying the body out and mourning), or even funerary games and processions.

The Dipylon Amphora depicts just a prothesis in a wide a register around the pot. Both men and women are distinguished by protruding triangles on their chest or waist to represent breasts or a penis. Every empty space in these scenes is filled with geometric shapes—M’s, diamonds, starbursts—demonstrating the Geometric painter’s horror vacui.

Figure \(\PageIndex{3}\): (Detail) Dipylon Amphora. (Photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

 

Exekias, Attic Black Figure Amphora with Ajax and Achilles Playing a Game

Figure \(\PageIndex{4}\): Exekias (potter and painter), Attic black figure amphora with Ajax and Achilles playing a game, c. 540-530 BCE. 61.1 cm high, found Vulci. Gregorian Etruscan Museum, Vatican City, Rome, Italy. (Photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

Figure \(\PageIndex{5}\): Exekias, Attic black figure amphora, detail with Ajax, c. 540-530 BCE. (Photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

Figure \(\PageIndex{6}\): Exekias, Attic black figure amphora, detail with Ajax, c. 540-530 BCE. (Photo: StevenZucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

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Sculpture in the Archaic Period

By Lumen Learning

Figure \(\PageIndex{7}\): Kouros, from Attica (“New York Kouros”), possibly Anavysos, Greece, ca. 600 BCE. Marble, 6’ 1/2” high. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. (Photo: Anagoria, CC BY 3.0)

Sculpture in the Archaic Period developed rapidly from its early influences, becoming more natural and showing a developing understanding of the body, specifically the musculature and the skin. Close examination of the style’s development allows for precise dating.

Most statues were commissioned as memorials and votive offerings or as grave markers, replacing the vast amphora (two-handled, narrow-necked jars used for wine and oils) and kraters (wide-mouthed vessels) of the previous periods, yet still typically painted in vivid colors.

Kouroi

Kouroi statues (singular, kouros), depicting idealized, nude male youths, were first seen during this period (see Figure \(\PageIndex{7}\)). Carved in the round , often from marble, kouroi are thought to be associated with Apollo; many were found at his shrines and some even depict him. Emulating the statues of Egyptian pharaohs, the figure strides forward on flat feet, arms held stiffly at its side with fists clenched. However, there are some importance differences: kouroi are nude, mostly without identifying attributes and are free-standing.

Early kouroi figures share similarities with Geometric and Orientalizing sculpture, despite their larger scale. For instance, their hair is stylized and patterned, either held back with a headband or under a cap. The New York Kouros strikes a rigid stance and his facial features are blank and expressionless. The body is slightly molded and the musculature is reliant on incised lines.

Figure \(\PageIndex{8}\): Kroisos, from Anavysos, Greece, ca. 530 BCE. Marble, 6’ 4” high. National Archaeological Museum, Athens, Greece. (Photo: Tetraktys, CC BY-SA 3.0)

As kouroi figures developed, they began to lose their Egyptian rigidity and became increasingly naturalistic. The kouros figure of Kroisos, an Athenian youth killed in battle, still depicts a young man with an idealized body (see Figure \(\PageIndex{8}\)). This time though, the body’s form shows realistic modeling.

The muscles of the legs, abdomen, chest and arms appear to actually exist and seem to function and work together. Kroisos’s hair, while still stylized, falls naturally over his neck and onto his back, unlike that of the New York Kouros, which falls down stiffly and in a single sheet. The reddish appearance of his hair reminds the viewer that these sculptures were once painted.

Archaic Smile

Kroisos’s face also appears more naturalistic when compared to the earlier New York Kouros. His cheeks are round and his chin bulbous; however, his smile seems out of place. This is typical of this period and is known as the Archaic smile. It appears to have been added to infuse the sculpture with a sense of being alive and to add a sense of realism.

Kore

A kore (plural korai) sculpture depicts a female youth (see Figure \(\PageIndex{9}\)). Whereas kouroi depict athletic, nude young men, the female korai are fully-clothed, in the idealized image of decorous women. Unlike men—whose bodies were perceived as public, belonging to the state—women’s bodies were deemed private and belonged to their fathers (if unmarried) or husbands.

However, they also have Archaic smiles, with arms either at their sides or with an arm extended, holding an offering. The figures are stiff and retain more block-like characteristics than their male counterparts. Their hair is also stylized, depicted in long strands or braids that cascade down the back or over the shoulder.

The Peplos Kore (c. 530 BCE) depicts a young woman wearing a peplos, a heavy wool garment that drapes over the whole body, obscuring most of it. A slight indentation between the legs, a division between her torso and legs, and the protrusion of her breasts merely hint at the form of the body underneath.

Figure \(\PageIndex{9}\): Acropolis Kore, c. 520–510 BCE: Wearing a chiton and himation. Marble. Athens, Greece. (Photo: Tetraktys, CC BY-SA 3.0)

Remnants of paint on her dress tell us that it was painted yellow with details in blue and red that may have included images of animals. The presence of animals on her dress may indicate that she is the image of a goddess, perhaps Artemis, but she may also just be a nameless maiden.

Later korai figures also show stylistic development, although the bodies are still overshadowed by their clothing. The example of a Kore (520–510 BCE) from the Athenian Acropolis shows a bit more shape in the body, such as defined hips instead of a dramatic belted waistline, although the primary focus of the kore is on the clothing and the drapery. This kore figure wears a chiton (a woolen tunic), a himation (a lightweight undergarment), and a mantle (a cloak). Her facial features are still generic and blank, and she has an Archaic smile. Even with the finer clothes and additional adornments such as jewelry, the figure depicts the idealized Greek female, fully clothed and demure.

Pedimental Sculpture: The Temple of Artemis at Corfu

This sculpture, initially designed to fit into the space of the pediment, underwent dramatic changes during the Archaic period, seen later at Aegina. The west pediment at the Temple of Artemis at Corfu depicts not the goddess of the hunt, but the Gorgon Medusa with her children; Pegasus, a winged horse; and Chrysaor, a giant wielding a golden sword surrounded by heraldic lions (see Figure \(\PageIndex{10}\)).

Medusa faces outwards in a challenging position, believed to be apotropaic (warding off evil). Additional scenes include Zeus fighting a Titan, and the slaying of Priam, the king of Troy, by Neoptolemos. These figures are scaled down in order to fit into the shrinking space provided in the pediment.

Pedimental Sculpture: The Temple of Aphaia at Aegina

Figure \(\PageIndex{10}\): The Gorgon as depicted on the western pediment from the Artemis Temple of Corfu, on display at the Archaeological Museum of Corfu, Greece. (Photo: Dr. K, CC BY-SA 3.0)

Sculpted approximately one century later, the pedimental sculptures on the Temple of Aphaia at Aegina gradually grew more naturalistic than their predecessors at Corfu (see Figure \(\PageIndex{11}\)). The dying warrior on the west pediment (c. 490 BCE) is a prime example of Archaic sculpture. The male warrior is depicted nude, with a muscular body that shows the Greeks’ understanding of the musculature of the human body. His hair remains stylized with round, geometric curls and textured patterns.

However, despite the naturalistic characteristics of the body, the body does not seem to react to its environment or circumstances. The warrior props himself up with an arm, and his whole body is tense, despite the fact that he has been struck by an arrow in his chest. His face, with its Archaic smile, and his posture conflict with the reality that he is dying.

Aegina: Transition between Styles

Figure \(\PageIndex{11}\): Dying warrior, from the west pediment of the Temple of Aphaia, Aegina, Greece, c. 500–490 BCE. Marble, 5’ 2 1/2” long. Glyptothek, Munich. (Photo: Bibi Saint-Pol, public domain)

The dying warrior on the east pediment (c. 480 BCE) marks a transition to the new Classical style (see Figure \(\PageIndex{12}\)). Although he bears a slight Archaic smile, this warrior actually reacts to his circumstances. Nearly every part of him appears to be dying.

Figure \(\PageIndex{12}\): Dying warrior, from the east pediment of the Temple of Aphaia, Aegina, Greece, c. 480 BCE. Marble, 6’ 1” long. Glyptothek, Munich. (Photo: Petropoxy, CC BY-SA 3.0)

Instead of propping himself up on an arm, his body responds to the gravity pulling on his dying body, hanging from his shield and attempting to support himself with his other arm. He also attempts to hold himself up with his legs, but one leg has fallen over the pediment’s edge and protrudes into the viewer’s space. His muscles are contracted and limp, depending on which ones they are, and they seem to strain under the weight of the man as he dies.

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Statue of a woman (Lady of Auxerre): 

By Muffet Jones

Figure \(\PageIndex{13}\): Statue of a woman, known as the “Lady of Auxerre,” Daedalic style, Crete(?), c. 640-630 BCE. Limestone, 75 cm high. Musée du Louvre, Paris, France. (Photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

A small limestone statue of a kore (maiden), known as the Lady of Auxerre (650– 625 BCE), from Crete demonstrates the style of early Greek figural sculptures. This style is known as Daedalic sculpture, named for the mythical creator of King Minos’s labyrinth, Daedalus. The style combines Ancient Near Eastern and Egyptian motifs. 

The Lady of Auxerre is stocky and plank-like. Her waist is narrow and cinched, like the waists seen in Minoan art. She is disproportionate, with long rigid legs and a short torso. A dress encompasses nearly her entire body—it tethers her legs together and restricts her potential for movement. The rigidity of the body recalls pharaonic portraiture from Ancient Egypt.

Her head is distinguished with large facial features, a low brow, and stylized hair. The hair appears to be braided, and falls down in rigid rows divided by horizontal bands. This style recalls a Near Eastern use of patterns to depict texture and decoration, as in the bronze Akkadian head of Sargon.

Her face and hair are reminiscent of the Geometric period. The face forms an inverted triangle wedged between the triangles formed be the hair that frames her face. Traces of paint tell us that this statue would have originally been painted with black hair and a dress of red and blue with a yellow belt.

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Black Figures in Classical Greek Art

by Dr. Sarah Derbew. This essay first appeared in the Iris (CC BY 4.0).

Figure \(\PageIndex{16}\): Pitcher (Oinochoe) in the Form of the Head of an African, about 510 B.C.E., attributed to Class B bis: Class of Louvre H 62. Terracotta, 8 7/16 inches high. The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles. (Photo: Getty Villa, no copyright in the United States)

In ancient Greece, men often escaped their daily grind to socialize at a symposium, or formalized drinking party. In the symposium, revelers indulged in numerous leisure activities centered around the consumption of wine. Among the variety of ceramic vessels that were used, pitchers of many shapes and sizes enabled wine pourers to fill the drinkers’ cups. [1] One example is this oinochoe, a type of wine jug, now on display in the new Athenian vases gallery at the Getty Villa (see Figures \(\PageIndex{16}\) and \(\PageIndex{17}\)).

Figure \(\PageIndex{17}\): Pitcher (Oinochoe) in the Form of the Head of an African, with the label that accompanies it in Athenian Vases (Gallery 103) at the Getty Villa. (Photo: Getty Villa, no copyright in the United States)

Label text: "Pitcher in the Form of the Head of an African Man. Greek, made in Athens, about 510 BCE. Terracotta. Oinochoe attributed to Class B bis (Class of Louvre H 62) as potter. There were marked distinctions of status between those drinking at the symposion and thoes who catered to their needs. Occasional scenes on Athenian vases show Africans as slaves, and this stereotyped representation combines servant with serving vessel."

This head-shaped wine pitcher invites numerous questions. The first is, quite simply, how to describe it. How can curators responsibly and comprehensively create a label for this pitcher? Is this face best characterized as “black,” “African,” or “black-glazed”?

The term “black” is unsuitable, because it transports our modern color politics into antiquity; the Trans-Atlantic slave trade has permanently mangled any attempt to use this color objectively.

The geographical marker “African” initially seems like a sound alternative. Unlike the historical weight of “black,” using the name of a continent seems to sidestep the retrojection of slavery’s violent history. It also presents a utopian description that unites fifty-four countries and millions of people into a collective entity. To use the word “African” for this pitcher, however, is to irresponsibly project contemporary concerns onto the past. The notion of “Africa” was vague at the time of production of this vessel, around 500 B.C.E.; the Greek term for the region, “Libya,” referred generally to the northern and northeast regions of the continent. “Aithiopian” was another popular term used to describe people with black skin; the etymology of Aithiopia highlights this relationship: aithō (I blaze) + ops (face).

What about our third option to describe this vessel, “black-glazed”? This term softens modern racial thinking by enabling a focus on material composition; the description recognizes color but does not subscribe to any color-based hierarchy. Although it is naïve to imagine that the black-glazed face, paired with full lips and a broad nose, does not evoke comparison with real people, I would argue that “black-glazed” is preferable because it extends beyond its modern politicized counterpart, “Black.”[2] The hyphen emphasizes its artificial status; the label reflects artistic license rather than historical prejudices.

Now let us contextualize the description of this pitcher. The Getty Villa’s label tells us that “occasional scenes on Athenian vases show Africans as slaves, and this stereotyped representation combines servant and serving vessel.” Art historian François Lissarrague also interprets the black-glazed faces on other drinking cups and pitchers as servants in the symposium. [3]

Figure \(\PageIndex{19}\): High-Handled Drinking Cup (Kantharos) in the Form of Two Heads, about 510–480 B.C.E., the London Class. Terracotta, 7 9/16 inches high. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Henry Lillie Pierce Fund. (Photo: Museum of Fine Arts, public domain) A drinking cup is composed of two faces, looking out in opposite directions, one with a burnt umber-glazed face and one with a black-glazed face.

Some literary evidence supports this claim; one of the character sketches in the late fourth century B.C.E. Theophrastus’ Characters describes a black person as an exotic servant for a petty man.[4] But other ancient Greek texts contradict this characterization; Homeric epics describe black people as semi-divine creatures whose country was a relaxing oasis for the gods.[5] Furthermore, visual references on ancient Greek vases depict black people in numerous roles: political allies, musicians, religious worshippers, soldiers, and servants. [6]

Figure \(\PageIndex{20}\): Attic White-ground Alabastron; Unknown; Athens, Greece; about 480 B.C.; terracotta; 14.5 cm, J. Paul Getty Museum. (Getty Museum, no copyright in the United States) On this vessel, a figure with dark brown skin is depicted from a profile-view on a painted white-background.

It is dangerous to fold selective history into the discussion without any reflective comments about the speculative work at play here. Although it is plausible that some black people were slaves in the fifth century B.C.E., there is no sure sign that this was the case in all situations.

Figure \(\PageIndex{21}\): Cover of Benjamin Isaac’s The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity, Princeton University Press, 2004

The need for careful treatment of black people in ancient Greek art extends beyond this pitcher. On the cover of Roman historian Benjamin Isaac’s 2004 book The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity, a troubling scene encourages anachronistic interpretations.

Here, we are confronted with a depiction of a violent encounter between a man and six other men. The person in the middle of the scene looms large and distinct; his upright pose and stark nakedness stand in sharp contrast to the clothed people in contorted positions around him. There are other visual clues that suggest his dominance. All of the men who come into contact with him either writhe under his feet or are firmly in his grasp. They are no match for his strength; he plows through them without hesitation.

Perhaps in collaboration with Isaac, Princeton University Press (the publishers of this book) chose this image as a cover for an important contribution to the discussion of racism in antiquity. This artistic rendition is based on a modern illustration of a sixth-century B.C.E. black-figure hydria, or water jar (see Figure \(\PageIndex{21}\)). [7]

The impressive vase in Figure \(\PageIndex{22}\) can be seen at the Getty Center in the exhibition Beyond the Nile: Egypt and the Classical World. It depicts Herakles as he resists Egyptians’ attempts to sacrifice him under the orders of the Egyptian king Bousiris. According to ancient Greek mythology, Bousiris received a prophecy that stipulated the sacrifice of a foreigner in order to stop a drought that was destroying his city. When Herakles entered Egypt, Bousiris tried to slaughter him, but the Greek hero fought back and eventually escaped.

Figure \(\PageIndex{22}\): Water Jar with Herakles and Bousiris, about 510 B.C.E., Greek. Clay, 17 15/16 inches high × 15 11/16 inches diameter. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. (Photo via Smarthistory)

Although the visual similarities between the cover in Figure \(\PageIndex{21}\) and the water vessel in Figure \(\PageIndex{22}\) are striking, the ancient image allows for a more sophisticated approach to skin color than the book cover’s partial rendering of the scene. On the vase, black skin is capacious and flexible; it is not limited to those near Herakles. The crouching Egyptian priest on the left of the altar, as well as the Egyptian with raised hands to the right of the altar, have black skin. The black lines framing the scene and the black patterned designs on opposite sides of the scene also destabilize any quick interpretation of this color in antiquity. Skin color is only one element of this scene; the main theme appears to be the inverted violence that has occurred. The fear of the nine men is palpable; one has even climbed on top of the altar meant for Herakles. To add a final twist, Herakles’ skin tone on this jar is dark red. [8] Herakles’ blackness, as it appears today, is due to the worn state of the jar’s surface.

Figure \(\PageIndex{23}\): Water Jar with Herakles and Bousiris, detail, about 510 B.C.E., Greek. Clay, 17 15/16 inches high × 15 11/16 inches diameter. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. (Photo: © ‘KHM-Museumsverband,’ via Smarthistory)

There are numerous examples of this sacrificial scene on ancient Greek pottery. Another depiction portrays Herakles as a figure whose skin color does not differ from those around him .

Figure \(\PageIndex{24}\): Pan Painter, Pelike with Herakles and Bousiris, about 470 B.C.E., terracotta. National Archaeological Museum, Athens. (Photo: Marsyas, CC BY-SA 2.5)

On the fifth-century B.C.E.greece storage jar in Figure \(\PageIndex{24}\), Herakles (on the left of the altar) again uses his sheer strength to punish the Egyptians. But there is a different awareness of color dynamics at play on this jar. Rather than a depiction of Herakles with black skin, blackness dominates the background of this vessel. Herakles’ black hair and black beard set him apart from the bald and clean-shaven Egyptians. This does not mean, however, that his chromatic appearance is particularly important in this scene. Instead, blackness literally fades into the background. It offers a visual palette for a powerful scene rather than a reflection of color-based power dynamics. Herakles’ lion-skin cloak and club are more helpful indicators of his identity. [9] In addition, the physiognomy of Herakles marks him as distinct from the Egyptians; his long nose and thin lips stand in contrast to their broad noses and full lips.

Altogether, it is undeniable that the image on Isaac’s cover reproduces an ancient representation of Herakles. But the cover art is also eerily reminiscent of contemporary discourse about Blackness. In particular, it suggests a dangerous connection between violence and the (modern) Black male body. This cover misleads anyone interested in ancient discussions of black skin because the contents of this book do not adequately address this topic. This omission encourages viewers and readers to assume that this image is an accurate representation of black people in Greek antiquity. Barring the caption on the back of the book, the image is presented without any context; people who judge books by their covers will jump to inaccurate conclusions. The permanently violent coding of black skin color is incorrect and irresponsible; there are no historical roots tracing this presumed innate threat.

In sum, museum and academic scholars are key players in the fight for contextualized and equitable perspectives of black people in antiquity; they curate exhibits and write books that greatly influence vast audiences. Preconceived notions of Black people are seared into our country’s collective consciousness; without an overhaul of the “black=slaves in perpetuity” trope, damaging stereotypes become ossified as facts for future generations. This brief examination has revealed ancient Greek art to be an expansive landscape. Ancient Greece’s visual heritage included representations of black people that nimbly provoked and cut across hierarchies. Objects like the sixth-century B.C.E. head-shaped pitcher and water jar discussed above were not part of any chromatic hierarchy because such categories had yet to be codified. Instead, they existed within their own historical and artistic context.

Notes:

1. Various types of head-shaped vessels were produced around this time; see this example in the form of a woman’s head in the Getty Villa collection.
2. I use “Black” to refer to the contemporary, socially constructed group of people, and “black” to designate people who are described as having black skin in ancient Greek literature and art.
3. François Lissarrague, “Athenian Image of the Foreigner,” translated by Antonia Nevill. In Thomas Harrison, ed., Greeks and Barbarians (Routledge Press, 2002): 108–9.
4. Theophrastus, 21.4.2.
5. Iliad 1.423, Odyssey, 1.22-23.
6. For more examples, see Frank Snowden Jr. “Aithiopes,” in Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, Volume I: Aara-Aphlad (Artemis Publishers, 1981): 415-18.
7. For a clearer rendition of the colors on this jar, see Perseus Digital Library.
8. Jaap M. Hemelrijk, Caeretan Hydriae (Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1984): 52-54.
9. Herakles killed and skinned a lion during the first of his Twelve Labors (feats he completed to atone for his madness-induced murder of his family)

Global Connections: The Politics of Painted Vessels

Just as Dr. Sarah Derbew introduces the complexity of Black and African figures depicted in Classical Greek vessels and art, other cultures globally have also documented cultural interactions and political hierarchies through complex imagery painted on their drinking vessels. In Politics and History on a Maya Vase, Dr. Cara Grace Tremain discusses the importance of Mayan visual communication via serving vessels. In one particularly exquisite example from c. 650-750 CE called Painted Vessel (Enthroned Maya Lord and Attendants), Tremain points out the ways in which the scenes on this vessel reinforced Mayan political rule through imagery that showcased the Mayan royal court. On this vessel, the ruler is emphasized, sitting on his raised throne in the center and flanked by attendants who sit beside him and serve him from beneath. Such intricate vessels were reserved for the elite and used during communal feasts, which Tremain notes were not simply celebrations but were also political events that helped to unify and bolster relationships between different Maya city-states. These vessels were also gifted and traded, thus visually enforcing the importance of the ruler and Mayan royal court through aesthetically desirable finery.

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Articles in this section:

• amphora. Provided by: Wiktionary. Located at: en.wiktionary.org/wiki/amphora. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike
• Dr. Beth Harris and Dr. Steven Zucker, "Exekias, Attic black figure amphora with Ajax and Achilles playing a game," in Smarthistory, December 9, 2015. (CC BY-NC-SA)
• Boundless Art History, “Sculpture in the Archaic Period.” (CC BY-SA)
• 2.5: Ancient Greece by Muffet Jones is licensed CC BY 4.0. Original source: https://boisestate.pressbooks.pub/arthistory.
• Dr. Sarah Derbew, "Black Figures in Classical Greek Art," in Smarthistory, June 27, 2020. (CC BY-NC-SA)